The
treatment of heroes (Columbus) and their victims (the Arawaks) – the quiet
acceptance of conquest and murder in the name of progress – is only one aspect
of a certain approach to history, in which the past is told from the point of
view of governments, conquerors, diplomats, leaders. It is as if they, like
Columbus, deserve universal acceptance,
as if they --- the Founding Fathers, Jackson, Lincoln, Wilson,
Roosevelt, Kennedy, the leading members of Congress, the famous Justices of the
Supreme Court --- represent the nation as a whole. The pretense is that there
really is such a thing as “the United States”, a subject to occasional
conflicts and quarrels, but fundamentally a community of people with common
interests. It is as if there really is a “national interest” represented in the
Constitution, in territorial expansion, in the laws passed by Congress, the
decisions of the courts, the development of capitalism, the culture of
education and the mass media.
“History is the memory of states”, wrote Henry
Kissinger in his first book, “A World Restored”, in which he proceeded
to tell the history of nineteenth-century Europe from the viewpoint of the
leaders of Austria and England, ignoring the millions who suffered from those
statesmen’s policies. From his standpoint, the “peace” that Europe had before
the French Revolution was “restored” by the diplomacy of a few national
leaders. But for factory workers in England, farmers in France, colored people
in Asia and Africa, women and children everywhere except in the upper classes,
it was a world of conquest, violence, hunger, exploitation ---- a world not
restored but disintegrated.
My viewpoint, in telling the history of the United States,
is different : that we must not accept
the memory of states as our own. Nations are not communities and never have
been. The history of any country, presented as the history of a family,
conceals fierce conflicts of interest (sometimes exploding, most often
repressed) between conquerors and conquered, masters and slaves, capitalists
and workers, dominators and dominated in race and sex. And in such a world of
conflict, a world of victims and executioners, it is the job of thinking
people, as Albert Camus suggested, not to be on the side of the executioners.
Thus, in that inevitable taking of sides which comes
from selection and emphasis in history, I prefer to try to tell the story of
the discovery of America from the viewpoint of the Arawaks, of the Constitution
from the standpoint of the slaves, of Andrew Jackson as seen by the Cherokees,
of the Civil War as seen by the New York Irish, of the Mexican war as seen by
the deserting soldiers of Scott’s army, of the rise of industrialism as seen by
the young women in the Lowell textile mills, of the Spanish-American war as
seen by the Cubans, the conquest of the Phillipines as seen by black soldiers
on Luzon, the Gilded Age as seen by southern farmers, the First World War as
seen by socialists, the Second World War as seen by pacifists, the New Deal as
seen by blacks in Harlem……And so on, to the limited extent that any one person,
however he or she strains, can “see” history from the standpoint of others.
---“A People’s History of the United States, 1492-Present”, pages 9-10, Howard Zinn